Trump has a strategy for the Republican Party’s fall

Trump’s 2016 election win was based on the same old tired ideas of America as he had campaigned: that he was uniquely qualified to take on the world, that he could win on a platform of “Make America Great Again” and that, in so doing, he would be “more powerful than anybody on the face of the earth.”

The problem is that Trump’s policies have been wildly unpopular, at least in part because of the deep divisions in his party over immigration and trade.

For instance, Trump has been the only Republican presidential candidate in decades to claim that illegal immigration has caused a rise in violent crime.

He also has been a major critic of NAFTA and other trade agreements, which he argues have led to the loss of American jobs.

The policies Trump has espoused have also been wildly popular in a country where the unemployment rate hovers above 7 percent and the median household income is roughly $50,000.

But as Trump’s support dwindles, so does his ability to hold his own against rivals like former Florida Gov.

Jeb Bush, former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum, Sen. Marco Rubio and Ohio Gov.

John Kasich.

Trump’s campaign has made clear that he has no plans to exit the race, which has made it difficult for him to win over voters who had once rallied around him.

And in a sign of how badly his campaign is struggling, he has already been forced to cut back on his rallies.

At least four rallies have been canceled so far, with the cancellation of a Trump rally in Florida after the deadly shooting in Orlando.

But there’s still a chance he can get to the finish line before the end of the month.

If he fails to win, he could face a steep re-election challenge.

That’s because, as he sees it, Republicans need to nominate a president who will stand with the country and take on Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and her allies in Congress.

The key, he said in an interview with ABC News on Tuesday, is to nominate someone who “knows what’s at stake.”

That someone is someone who will “make a deal with Hillary Clinton” and “end the Clinton machine.”

This is what Trump is going to do.

It’s a strategy that will be more difficult for Trump than it was for any other candidate in the 2016 election.

In an interview on ABC’s “This Week” last week, he laid out a “three-step” approach to his agenda: A candidate who can unite the party must be a true conservative; a candidate who is a good president should be a good conservative; and a candidate with the temperament to be president should also be a great conservative.

The Trump strategy hinges on the notion that the “values of America” are more important than the party’s own.

That idea is rooted in the idea that conservatism has to be based on individual liberty and free markets, a notion that resonates with the vast majority of Republicans.

The most recent Pew Research Center poll shows that nearly two-thirds of Republicans think that the party is too focused on its traditional core values and will lose the election to Clinton.

That is the view that Trump shares, even though he is an outsider and has no previous political experience.

Trump himself believes the GOP should stop focusing on its “values” and focus instead on the “future.”

He has made a habit of speaking to groups like the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank that has been instrumental in pushing the GOP to embrace an extreme version of the so-called social Darwinism doctrine, a view that believes that society is evolving toward a more homogenous society.

It was the core of the conservative platform that helped Trump win the presidency in 2016.

In other words, Trump is saying that conservatives should not just be concerned with the “present,” but about the future.

The problem with Trump’s approach is that it relies on an outdated view of what conservatives have been through during the past half-century.

When Ronald Reagan became president, conservatives believed that the country was headed in the right direction.

But it was an era in which most of the country had little to fear from foreign enemies, most of our industries had grown and most of America’s leaders were Democrats.

Conservatives believed that government could help people and their families, and that they could be strong and self-reliant.

They believed that a strong America could provide security, prosperity and security for everyone.

The notion that America was in a period of economic decline, that the economy was in trouble and that government was not doing a good enough job in solving the problems it was supposed to solve was a foreign concept to most Americans.

Reagan understood this, but he also believed that he had to be “a leader” in the conservative movement.

He wanted to be able to tell the American people what was going on in the world and that his policies would help Americans and the country.

And this was what he did.

When Reagan left office, the country started the long slide toward a third-world status and, in some ways, a second-

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